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Archives for : March2018

Six months after Gauri Lankesh murder, SIT makes an arrest

File photo of protest against the assassination of Kannada journalist Gauri Lankesh in Bengaluru

37-year-old Naveen Kumar, who reportedly has links with radical Hindutva outfits, has been arrested on Friday by the SIT set up to probe the murder of Kannada journalist Gauri Lankesh six months ago

A 37-year-old was arrested in Bengaluru on Friday in connection with the murder of Kannada journalist Gauri Lankesh six months ago, police said.

“Naveen Kumar, 37, has been arrested by the Special Investigation Team (SIT) and is an accused in the Gauri Lankesh case,” SIT investigation officer MN Anucheth told IANS in Bengaluru.

Kumar was detained on March 2 for questioning after he was booked by the Crime Branch on February 19 under the Arms Act for illegal possession of 15 bullets of a revolver. The accused hails from Birur town in Chikmagalur district, about 250 km west of Bengaluru, the police said.

“Based on certain clues provided by him, the SIT took him into custody for further questioning and investigation,” Anucheth had said earlier.

Lankesh, 55, Editor of Gauri Lankesh Patrike, was shot dead outside her residence here on September 5 last year. Of the seven bullets fired, three hit Lankesh, two in the chest and one in the forehead.

The government set up the SIT to probe the journalist-activist’s killing.

The Indian Express on March 2 had reported that SIT officials have already questioned Kumar on a few occasions since his arrest on February 18, adding that “Investigations have shown that Kumar is linked to a radical Hindutva outfit called the Hindu Yuva Senaand that he is also allegedly linked to members of the Sanatan Sanstha outfit and its affiliate the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti.”

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Maharashtra CM’s Cousin Threatens Lawyer Gathering Information On Loya Case #WTFnews

“We Are Coming In Even In 2019 … Then We Will See”:


Sanjay Fadnavis, a cousin of the chief minister of Maharashtra Devendra Fadnavis, made a late-night call to threaten an advocate who had been working to obtain information regarding the mysterious death of the judge BH Loya.

At close to 1 am on the intervening night between 5 and 6 March, Fadnavis called the advocate and activist Abhiyan Barahate. During the call, which lasted for nearly two minutes, Fadnavis told Barahate that he had come to know of the “big work” the advocate had been doing recently. Fadnavis then told Barahate that “we are coming in even in 2019,” and warned him to not “complain” later when he is “picked up by the police,” thrown “behind bars” and “gets fucked in the ass.” Sanjay is the son of the chief minister’s paternal uncle. He is known to be politically active on behalf of his cousin in Nagpur.

On 6 March, Barahate sent a written complaint to the police commissioner of Nagpur about the “criminal intimidation in filthy language” by Fadnavis. Barahate explains in his letter to the commissioner that he had met Fadnavis during the 2014 assembly elections in the state, while the latter had been campaigning for his cousin, Devendra. According to Barahate’s letter, the two exchanged numbers, and subsequently met on various occasions, but had not been in touch for at least the past year. Barahate added that he was “deliberately keeping distance” from those affiliated with the Bharatiya Janata Party because he had begun working with Satish Uke, a lawyer and activist for whom he began appearing before various government authorities and organisations. He further wrote that he had been helping the lawyer-activist amass information regarding the mysterious death of the judge BH Loya, via Right to Information (RTI) applications. Barahate has represented Uke in a number of cases in the Bombay High Court. In light of the threatening call from the chief minister’s brother, he also filed an application with the Bombay High Court to withdraw the vakalatnama filed in one of these cases.

Uke has been working to gather information and documents pertaining to Judge Loya’s death for a few years now. At the time of his death, Loya was hearing the case regarding the allegedly staged killing of Sohrabuddin Sheikh, in which the prime accused was Amit Shah.

Barahate writes in his letter that he “applied for information” under the RTI Act for Uke in “various government offices regarding the suspicious death” of Judge Loya. “Prior to 5.03.2018, I received bulky information in RTI fir Adv. Uke in Judge Loya issue,” Barahate writes. “On 5.03.2018, I, alongwith Adv. Uke visited the Office of Protocol Dept., Dist. Collector Office Nagpur to get information about the protocol given to Mr Amit Shah ( B.J.P. National President ) for his Nagpur visit dated 04.03.2018.” Barahate further states that he received the information the same day.

On the intervening night between 5 and 6 March, close to 1 am, Barahate received the call from Sanjay Fadnavis. “Do you know who is speaking?” Fadnavis asked. Barahate said no, adding that he had recently changed his phone. “Sanjay Fadnavis boltoy”—Sanjay Fadnavis speaking.

“I came to know that you have been doing big-big work,” Fadnavis told Barahate. The advocate then asked Fadnavis what the latter was referring to. “We are coming in even in 2019,” replied Fadnavis. “Then we will see what all will be done to you. We will see everything. Then don’t say later that I had to go behind bars … Police picked me up … Got fucked in the ass … Don’t say all this later … I have some respect for your wife, that is why I am talking to you. Understood, asshole?”

Uke’s path has crossed paths with the Fadnavis family earlier as well—after a Bombay High Court bench comprising the justices Bhushan Gavai and VM Deshpande passed an order, in 2014, quashing an FIR against Devendra Fadnavis, Uke filed an application for the recall of this order. The court dismissed this application, but Uke persisted, filing a special leave petition challenging the high court’s order in the Supreme Court, which was also dismissed. Uke then returned to the Bombay High Court. He continued to file numerous petitions and applications related to the case until January 2016, when, while hearing one such petition, RK Deshpande initiated contempt proceedings against him. Uke was subsequently convicted for criminal contempt, and fined Rs 2,000. He was also sentenced to prison for two months. He filed an appeal against this decision in the Supreme Court, which the court dismissed in August that year. A review petition against the dismissal is still pending before the Supreme Court.

Uke’s association with Loya became public in recent months, after The Caravan published a series of reports regarding the suspicious circumstances surrounding the judge’s death in Nagpur in 2014, purportedly of a heart attack. On 31 January, the lawyer-activist appeared among the speakers during a press conference led by the senior advocate Kapil Sibal, on behalf of the Congress party. Sibal recounted to the press Uke’s account of his interactions with Loya: he said that in October 2014, nearly two months before his death, the judge had confided in Uke that he was facing immense pressure while hearing the Sohrabuddin case.

According to news reports, a press note released by the Congress stated that Uke filed matters against “influential persons who were pressurising judge Loya to pass a discharge order.” The note reportedly went on to state that during a video call that took place between Uke and Loya in 2014, the names of some such persons were revealed. According to the note, these included Mohit Shah, the Bombay High Court’s chief justice at the time; Justice Bhushan Gavai, a sitting judge of the high court; and Devendra Fadnavis.

In early February 2018, Uke appeared before the Supreme Court in the review petition against the court’s order dismissing the appeal against the contempt conviction. He stated that he wished to tender his apology to the Bombay High Court, and withdraw his previous allegations of impropriety. Sibal appeared for him in the matter.

When I contacted to Sanjay Fadnavis, he did not deny calling Barahate. “I have respect for his wife,” he told me. “Today also I have very much respect for his wife, that is why I am speaking. Otherwise I can do anything.

I asked what he meant by “do anything.” “Anything in the sense that I can go to him and I can talk to him, but the only thing is that I might lose my temper,” he replied. “Otherwise I would have gone. I do not want to lose my temper in front of his wife.”

Transcript of call from Sanjay Fadnavis to Advocate Abhiyan Barahate (Marathi)

Abhiyan Barahate: Hello.
Sanjay Fadnavis: Hello.
AB: Haan.
SF: Olakhlya ka kon boltoy?
AB: Naahi.
SF: Naahi?
AB: Haan.
SF: Majha number saved naahi?
AB: Um … naahi ha mobile change kelaay mee, kon bolat aahe saaheb aapan?
SF: Sanjay Fadnavis boltoy.
AB: Bolana sir.
SF: Kaay bolu tumcha tar khoop motha motha kaam chaalu aahe asa kaltoy.
AB: Maajha …
SF: Hm.
AB: Kashyabaddal, sir?
SF: Sagdyach babteet kaltoy, tumcha phar motha motha kaam chalu aahe … hello?
AB: Bola na, sir.
SF: Naahi, vichartoy mothe mothe kaam kartaat tumhi … (khokalale) 2019 madhe aamheech yenaar aahe, nantar bagoo tumhala … hello?
AB: Haan sir
SF: Bola. 2019 madhe aamheech yenaar aahe nantar bagto tumhala kaay kaay kartaay the. Sagad bagto. … mag nantar bolu nakaa … ki aath java laagla … uchalala policeaani … gaand maarli geli … he nantar bolaycha naahi … tujhya baaykocha thoda respect karto … mhanoon tujhyashi boltoy. Kalala gaandu?
AB: Hm.
SF: Haan … pudhe baghu kaay hotay the aatha.

Transcript of call from Sanjay Fadnavis to Advocate Abhiyan Barahate (English)

Abhiyan Barahate: Hello.
Sanjay Fadnavis: Hello.
AB: Haan.
SF: Do you know who is speaking?
AB: No.
SF: No?
AB: Haan.
SF: You haven’t saved my number?
AB: Um … no, I have changed this mobile. Who is speaking, sir?
SF: Sanjay Fadnavis speaking.
AB: Tell me, sir.
SF: What do I say, I came to know that you have been doing big-big work.
AB: My …
SF: Hm.
AB: What is this about, sir?
SF: I know about everything, you are doing big-big work … hello?
AB: Tell me, sir.
SF: No, I am asking, you are doing big-big work … (coughs). We are coming in even in 2019. Will see you after that … hello?
AB: Yes, sir.
SF: Tell me … we are coming in even in 2019. Then we will see what all will be done to you. We will see everything. Then don’t say later that I had to go behind bars … police picked me up … got ass fucked … don’t say all this later. I have some respect for your wife, that is why I am talking to you. Understood, asshole?
AB: Hm.
SF: Yes … we will see what happens now.


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Why liberals don’t see Operation Blue Star 1984 as a model for Babri and Godhra?

These days the liberals battle for Najeeb Ahmed, the JNU student missing since October 2016 after an on-campus brawl with members of the right-wing students’ union ABVP. According to a recent report, Punjab has 8,257 Najeebs, or Singhs, or Kumars — the kind of enforced disappearances and killings being reported right now in Uttar Pradesh and earlier in Gujarat.

Even as the Canadian PM’s recent India visit dissolved into a diplomatic disaster, Indian liberals lost a valuable chance to display their solidarity with Sikhs and their pursuit of justice

A week has passed since Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and his team, including Sikh ministers, came and left India. Through the visit, I watched with rising dismay, how a diplomatic disaster unfolded between two friendly countries because of one word — Khalistan. My dismay was not at the powers-that-be, we know them. Rather, it was over how people like me, the liberals — committed to make democracy work, pursue justice, oppose the growing jingoistic polarisation of our nation — had behaved.

In 2013, at a Bangalore Literature Festival panel discussion on ‘The Gujarat Model: Is economic development a garb for hard Right politics?’ a journalist with years of experience in Punjab remarked, “If India were to go towards Hindutva, I wonder why Sikhs fought against Khalistan.” The mostly millennial software industry audience, starry-eyed over the then Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi’s bid for national power, roundly jeered the journalist. I was a schoolboy in Punjab during the militancy years. I know well the violence, the fear, the reign of silence. I have remained haunted by Punjab. The haunting has now taken me back to explore Punjab a quarter century after the guns fell silent.

As I travel, I see Punjab’s discontent has grown — ecological, agrarian, industrial, issues of caste, gender, drugs, unemployment, and so on.

On human development indices, Punjab is doing much worse than it did when it became the bread basket of India in the 1960s, and even during its dark decade-and-a-half of Khalistan militancy — 1978-93. While Punjab is doing worse, I had assumed its ties with India had mended from the 1980s — a period during which, growing up, I had noticed my father lose the affectionate ‘ji’ suffix from the ‘Sardar-ji’ he was usually addressed as.

Did Sikhs take the ‘ji’ as an entitlement? No. India is a democracy — all its citizens are equal. Was the ‘ji’ a mark of respect? Yes. It was cultural and economic — the way a nation perceived its dynamic minority comprising 1.5 per cent of the population. In the 1970s, India believed Sikhs were its ‘farmers and soldiers’. In the 1980s, they were framed as ‘traitors and terrorists’, which led to the Army attack on Durbar Sahib in Amritsar through Operation Blue Star and the pogrom against Sikhs after Indira Gandhi was assassinated.

Since then, the shadow of 1984 has loomed large over Punjab and Sikhs. The developments ruptured the trust between the people and the nation-state. The question the Sikhs asked was: If the nation-state can attack our sanctum sanctorum of faith, what guarantee do we have of our life? This sparked off the militant Khalistan movement, which, in turn, led to the breakdown of the structures of democracy in Punjab. The violence left at least 50,000 dead, many thousands uprooted. The legislative and judiciary were absent. The all-powerful police, no doubt in a precarious situation, also committed gross human rights violations — many of these for rewards and promotions.

The state curbed the Khalistan movement in the mid-’90s, pushed through electoral democracy in 1992 with 23 per cent voter turnout. But every political party since then has betrayed their mandate. India has still not addressed the lapsed trust — explained why Operation Blue Star took place, or brought justice to the victims of 1984. Once politicians of all hues allow impunity for organised murder, other evils like corruption, nepotism and violation of systems follow. A quarter century later, a lumbering Punjab seeks to escape from the quagmire of poverty, farm debts, farmer suicides, unemployment, and drugs. Yet, tiny Punjab — with 1.5 per cent of the nation’s land — continues to be the farmer and soldier of the nation. In spite of its own ecological disaster — through the over-exploitation of its water table and pollution of earth — it continues to contribute 60 per cent wheat and 40 per cent rice to the Central pool. Punjab continues to stand between not just India and hunger, but also India and Pakistan — a role it has performed since 1965, when the Punjabi Suba movement raged for the creation of the State.


Seeing the systemic breakdown at home and the possibility of better lives abroad, many Punjabis have escaped and are busy making their overseas dreams come true. Their emotional and familial ties with Punjab remain. Now, a new generation has grown up abroad on stories of India’s apathy. Given the freedoms available abroad, a small number in the Sikh diaspora continue to raise these issues. These voices are labelled as support for Khalistan. Yes, there are also those who still seek an independent Khalistan, but their numbers are few. However, their flashy presence makes for media stories through which the political parties back home keep the lid on Punjab, don’t hear its voice, and keep it enmeshed in Khalistan. That is how they deflect from questions of development and keep a cover on the violations by the state.

These political parties, rarely together except to protect their turf and egos, played Khalistan in grotesque fashion when Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau’s entourage travelled to India. Two years ago, ahead of the 2017 Punjab election, Congress leader and current chief minister Amarinder Singh had sought to visit Canada to meet the Sikh diaspora. The maverick Sikhs For Justice group blocked his visit. In his turn, last spring, Singh refused to meet Canada defence minister Harjit Singh Sajjan. This time, the Punjab CM warmed up to Trudeau but the Canadian PM stood by his minister. This led Delhi to cold-shoulder the Canadians. The national media erupted in praise for India’s stance. I watched aghast as everyone sought to derive just one meaning of Khalistan — separatism — and ignored the other linked meaning that has a bearing on how Indian democracy functions — pursuit of justice.

Finally, the meeting between Amarinder Singh, Trudeau and Sajjan took place. After that, Trudeau met Modi. There was that hug which — against official protocol — has come to symbolise everything that is whimsical about India’s current foreign policy. However, by now it was too little and too late. The two countries had blown Khalistan out of proportion, even thrown in Jaspal Atwal — the Indian-origin businessman, with ties to the Khalistan movement, who was part of Trudeau’s entourage — as a red herring. Didn’t the liberals see how rival political parties had ganged up to avoid being answerable? Didn’t they see how media had plastered Punjab and Sikhs into a corner? Did they not see how the people of Punjab were excited and had extended a grand welcome to their successful diaspora? By solely critiquing Trudeau’s choice of clothing — kurtas and sherwanis — the liberals allowed themselves to be ensnared in the web the politicians had woven. The gap between Punjab and the rest of India split wide open.


After a fashion: Busy critiquing Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s sartorial choices during his India visit, the liberals failed to observe how eagerly the people of Punjab extended a grand welcome to their successful diaspora Image: PTI   –  PTI

These days the liberals battle for Najeeb Ahmed, the JNU student missing since October 2016 after an on-campus brawl with members of the right-wing students’ union ABVP. According to a recent report, Punjab has 8,257 Najeebs, or Singhs, or Kumars — the kind of enforced disappearances and killings being reported right now in Uttar Pradesh and earlier in Gujarat. The liberals battle for the CBI Judge BH Loya, who died under mysterious circumstances midway through the hearing in the Sohrabuddin Sheikh encounter case. Do they forget Advocate Khalra? Don’t the liberals see Operation Blue Star as a blot on India’s conscience that needs addressing? Don’t they see the 1984 pogrom as a model for Babri and Godhra? Are the liberals at a loss because they can’t decide whether Punjab is Udta on drugs or Khalistan on guns? Do they feel jealous as to how some of the minuscule Sikhs manage to do well in spite of Partition in 1947, in spite of 1984? Is it fear of the brutal militancy that they still stereotype the Sikhs as traitors and terrorists?

No separatist movement ever ends only through police action. Punjab pulled back from militancy because Khalistan lost popular support. Its composite society displayed this learning by standing together as recently as 2015 when Punjab was carpet-bombed with incidents of sacrilege of the Guru Granth Sahib, and last year, when the controversial godman Ram Rahim was arrested.

Though Punjab has returned from violence, it has a long way to go to heal. Healing needs trust. Trust needs solidarities. During Trudeau’s visit, and the media spin on it, the liberals had a chance to display their solidarity with the Sikhs. They had a chance to nuance the term Khalistan — to take the sting out of separatism by advocating the pursuit of justice. They failed. Sadly, Punjab, a laboratory for sectarian violence and human rights violations, is fairly accustomed to isolation. It no longer cares. But the liberals needed to care, they didn’t.. After Trudeau left, NITI Ayog brazenly told Punjab: the nation does not need its produce, the Centre has refused aid. If in the future things turn haywire, let it be noted the liberals remained silent at this critical juncture in Punjab’s history.

Amandeep Sandhu is the author of Roll of Honour, a novel on 1984

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Gujarat – Bhavnagar Nuclear-power project junked due to Fukushima disaster #Goodnews


Chief Minister Vijay Rupani today told the Assembly the proposal to set up a plant in district has been scrapped owing to a movement by panic-stricken locals following the 2011 nuclear accident in The project was proposed to be set up at Mithivirdi village in district, said Minister Saurabh Patel.

He was speaking during a debate on the issue during Question Hour of the Assembly which is having its budget session.Taking part in the debate, Rupani said though the had signed an MoU with Corporation of (NPCIL) in 2007, the project was eventually scrapped by the PSU after villagers raised apprehensions about their safety in the wake of radioactive “leak” from the nuclear plant following a tsunami.Rupani was replying to a question by (Congress) about the status of the proposed 6,000 MW nuclear power plant, for which the state had signed agreements with NPCIL in 2007 during the Vibrant Summit.”
This project has been scrapped permanently by NPCIL. During the UPA rule, then had signed a nuclear deal with the USA. After that, a total of six nuclear plants were planned across the country and this plant in was one of them,” he said.”However, locals turned against this project after tsunami waves caused (radioactive) leak in (in 2011).After that incident, panicked locals here started a movement against the project, as they felt that the project would prove dangerous for them. As the movement and negative sentiment gained momentum, the project was scrapped,” he said.Patel said some locals were not ready to give land for the project.”NPCIL officials tried their best to convince locals, but they are not ready to give their land for the project.


In addition, some environmentalists and local leaders such as (former BJP MLA) Kanubhai Kalsariya instigated villagers against the project. Some people did this for political gains,” said Patel.of Opposition Paresh Dhanani alleged that most of the MoUs in sector remained only “on paper” as “neither public sector nor private sector firms have set up their power plants in even after signing MoUs in Vibrant Summits several years back”.He cited some cases wherein major corporate houses have not set up their gas or coal-based power plants in despite signing MoUs in this regard in Vibrant Summits held in 2007 and 2009.In his response, Patel said the main reason for this is non-availability of cheap fuel such as coal and gas.


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Haryana sees third honour killing in two days, girl murdered and cremated in Bahadurgarh #WTFnews

Manvir Saini | TNN
Representative image.
CHANDIGARH: In a third incident of honour killing in two days, a BA final year student was allegedly murdered and quietly cremated by her father and other relatives in Lukvas village of Bahadurgarh rural area of Jhajjar district.
As to how the girl was murdered could not be ascertained. It is learnt that girl’s father, identified as Ajay Singh, and his family members had quietly cremated the dead body on the night intervening Wednesday and Thursday.
Having failed to stop the cremation in night, Jasbir Singh, the SHO of Bahadurgarh Sadar police station collected the ashes and remains of girls dead body on Thursday morning
“We have registered a case of murder and destruction of evidence against Ajay Singh and his relatives at Sadar police station. Accused are on the run,” said Singh.
“We were informed about the incident by a resident of the village. He informed us about the death and that the family was on their way to cremate her. Let the team arrest the accused and only then we shall ascertain as to how and when she was murdered – if this was the case,” added the SHO who is also an investigating officer of the case.
According to the information, the deceased, Kajal, was student of BA final year. On Wednesday evening she was allegedly thrashed by her parents.
According to villagers, victim’s father told them that Kajal had returned home in the evening. She looked upset and directly went to her room, where she committed suicide by hanging herself. Some family members spotted her and then the family and relatives decided to cremate her dead body without postmortem.
However, it is alleged that Kajal was in a relationship with somebody and the family had spotted her with him and this resulted into the incident.
Notably, on Wednesday, a teenage boy was brutally murdered by the brother and friends of his girlfriend in a village of Mahendergarh district. Police is conducting raids to arrest the accused.
In another incident, a bullet-ridden dead boy a 26-year-old man was found in the outskirts of his house in Matindu village. Pardeep, the victim was allegedly shot dead by brothers of a girl who was supposed to get married on Tuesday night.

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Sufi singer Pyarelal Wadali of Wadali Brothers dies of cardiac arrest in Amritsar #RIP

Ustad Puranchand Wadali’s younger brother Pyarelal Wadali died at a hospital in Amritsar on Friday morning. The famous Punjabi Sufi singing duo has sung some soulful film songs as well

Pyarelal Wadali, one of the legendary singers of the famed ‘Wadali Brothers’ duo, passed away due to cardiac arrest in Amritsar on Friday morning, March 9. He was 75. Pyarelal, the younger brother of singer Puranchand Wadali, died of cardiac arrest at a private hospital, said family members.

Hailing from Guru Ki Wadali village in Amritsar district, the Wadali Brothers represented the fifth generation of singers and musicians from their family. Coming from humble beginnings, the Wadalis earned international recognition for their soul-stirring music over the years.

The duo has lent voice to the lyrics of several prominent Punjabi poets and carried on the legacy of famous saint poets such as Bulle Shah, Kabir, Amir Khusro, Waris Shah and Surdas.

Two years ago, Puranchand had told media in New Delhi that he had never seen a film and never wanted to sing in films either, for he found memorising the lyrics difficult, as he was not educated. But Wadali Brothers made their singing debut in films with Pinjar, a movie based on the novel by Amrita Pritam, in 2003. Later, they sang songs such as ‘Aye rangrez mere’ that featured in Tanu Weds Manu (2011) and ‘Ik tu hi tu hi’ in Mausam(2011).

Tributes have been pouring in for Ustad Pyarelal Wadali from fans, actors and politicians.

A sad moment for the Sufi music world and a personal loss. Have many fond memories of , the younger of the Wadali Brothers fame. His sudden demise has left us all aggrieved. I’ve asked the administration to ensure ceremonial honour for his cremation.

I’m deeply saddned to hear about the demise of Sh. Pyare Lal Wadali of Wadali Brothers – the epitome of Sufi music. It is an unbearable loss to the music world. I pray to almighty to grant eternal peace to the departed soul.

My condolences on the passing away of Sufi Singer, ji of the famed Wadali brothers.

He was not just an acclaimed singer, but an extremely gentle human being. Prayers for his family, friends and countless music lovers. May his soul rest in peace. 🙏🏻

Sad News !!

in the world of Punjabi Sufi Music. The Great Legendary Exponent of Sufi Music Padam Shree Ustad Pyare Lal Wadali Ji.. Well known as Wadali Brothers left us today after a very serious illness.

“Tu mane ya na mane dildara…” kaise maan le… What an amazing artist… and was still in full form ..‘Wadali Brothers’ ki Jodi Adhoori reh gayi .. very sad to hear this … 

Considered disciples of the eminent classical vocalist late Bade Ghulam Ali Khan, Wadali brothers began performing at Harballah temple in Jalandhar. Adept in various styles of singing including kaafian, ghazal and bhajan, they are widely known for their Punjabi Sufi music.

As the music lovers mourn the death of Pyarelal Wadali, here’s a collection of some of their most popular performances and compositions:

Wadali Brothers, Puran Chand and Pyarelal, won acclaim for their Punjabi Sufi music.



Ustad Pyarelal Wadali, younger brother of Ustad Puran Chand Wadali died in Amritsar on Friday morning. He was 75.

He breathed his last at Fortis Escorts Hospital in Amritsar where he was admitted on Thursday.

Wadali Brothers, who hail from a village near Amritsar, are famous for their Punjabi Sufi music. The duo began performing at Harballah temple in Jalandhar. They are adept in various styles of singing including Kaafian, ghazal and bhajan.

The Wadali Brothers, famous for their Bollywood songs such as Aye Rangrez Mere (Tanu Weds Manu; 2011) and Ik Tu Hi Tu Hi (Mausam; 2011), have carried on the legacy of famous saint poets such as Bulle Shah, Kabir, Amir Khusro and Surdas for years.


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SC allows ‘living will’ for passive euthanasia, says #RightToDie with dignity is fundamental right

Passive euthanasia is a condition where there is withdrawal of medical treatment with the deliberate intention to hasten the death of a terminally-ill patient. 

Passive euthanasia is a condition where there is withdrawal of medical treatment with the deliberate intention to hasten the death of a terminally-ill patient. (Photo: iStock)

SC Allows Passive Euthanasia, Sanctions ‘Living Will’

Passive euthanasia is a condition where there is withdrawal of medical treatment with the deliberate intention to hasten the death of a terminally-ill patient. (Photo: iStock)
Passive Euthanasia, Sanctions ‘Living Will’


In a historical judgment, Supreme Court on Thursday allowed ‘living will’ for passive euthanasia. it was hearing petition seeking recognition of ‘living will’ made by terminally-ill patients for passive 

  • The ‘living will’ is a written document that allows a patient to give explicit instructions in advance about the medical treatment to be administered when he or she is terminally ill or no longer able to express informed consent
  • Passive euthanasia is a condition where there is withdrawal of medical treatment with the deliberate intention to hasten the death of a terminally-ill patient

Yes to Passive Euthanasia

A five-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court, headed by Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra passed the order allowing for advance directive (living will) passive Euthanasia with guidelines.

An Advance Directive allows people to decide in advance whether or not they want to be put on life support in cases of terminal illness.

The bench laid guidelines for those cases when there is no advanced directive. It said in cases when there is no immediate family members, the next of friend can approach the concerned HC, which in turn will then set up a medical board to determine whether the concerned patient can be allowed passive euthanasia.

When SC Recognised Passive Euthanasia – But Centre Disagreed

The top court had in 2011 recognised passive euthanasia in Aruna Shanbaug’s case. It permitted withdrawal of life-sustaining treatment from patients not in a position to make an informed decision.

The Centre had opposed recognition of ‘living will’ – and said the consent for removal of artificial support system given by a patient may not be an informed one, and without being aware of medical advancements.

It had cited examples of various countries in disallowing creation of living will by patients.

Advocate Prashant Bhushan, appearing for petitioner NGO Common Cause, had argued that safeguards were needed while taking a decision by medical boards to withdraw life support of a patient.

What Happened During Previous Hearings?

The bench was hearing the PIL filed in 2005 by the NGO, which said when a medical expert is of the opinion that a person afflicted with a terminal disease has reached a point of no return, he should be given the right to refuse life support.

On 15 January 2016, the Centre had said the 241st report of the Law Commission stated that passive euthanasia should be allowed with certain safeguards. Also, there was also a proposed law – Medical Treatment of Terminally Ill Patient (Protection of Patients and Medical Practitioners) Bill, 2006.

It had said that on specific occasions, the question of withdrawing supporting devices to sustain cardio-pulmonary function even after brain death, shall be decided only by a doctors’ team and not by the treating physician alone.

Why Did the Court Reserve Verdict?

A five-judge constitution bench headed by Chief Justice Dipak Misra had on 11 October 2017 reserved its verdict on the plea.

The bench – also comprising justices A K Sikri, A M Khanwilkar, D Y Chandrachud and Ashok Bhushan – had indicated during the hearing that it might recognise the execution of ‘living will’ in cases of passive euthanasia, as right to die peacefully is part of fundamental right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution.

Article 21 provides that “no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.” The apex court, however, had observed that there should be adequate safeguards and implementation of living will would be subject to medical board’s certifying that the patient’s comatose state is irreversible.

(With PTI and ANI inputs)

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