‘We had no plans for violence’: Indian campaign against toxic smelter turned deadly

Fatima Babu’s decades-long campaign against a toxic copper smelter in Tamil Nadu says the cost of victory was too high

Fatima Babu has led the campaign against the Sterlite copper smelter in Tuticorin for 24 years

For 24 years, Fatima Babu struggled to galvanise the citizens of Tuticorin in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu against the toxic threat posed by the Sterlite Copper smelter. Often working thanklessly and sometimes alone, she filed lawsuits, organised workshops and gave interviews to raise awareness.

The English professor-turned-activist hoped that people would eventually rally to the cause, but never in her wildest dreams did she imagine how quickly opinion could change or how violently the authorities would respond.

On 22 May this year, a crowd of about 20,000 took to the streets to oppose plans to double the size of the plant, which would have made it the second biggest copper smelter in the world.

The numbers completely overwhelmed the police who responded first with tear gas, then live rounds. It was the world’s deadliest environmental protest so far this year, with 13 people killed and dozens injured.

The authorities say protesters pelted police with stones and burned vehicles. Babu says their response went far beyond reasonable force.


“It wasn’t shooting to disperse a crowd. It wasn’t tear gas or rubber bullets. The shots weren’t fired above people’s heads or below the knees. They were fired directly into the crowd,” she says. “I think they wanted to suffocate the protests against St erlite and other projects. They wanted to teach us a lesson; if you raise your voice, this is what you get.”

Babu had attempted moderation by holding talks with the local government.

“We had no plans for violence. We knew women and children would be coming,” she said. “When we heard thousands of police were being mobilised we feared there would be baton charges so we advised women to wear something other than saris, which make it hard to run.”

The authorities have launched an inquiry into the killings. Sterlite has distanced itself from the police actions and expressed regret about the deaths. The Tamil Nadu government has shut down the smelter.

Despite campaigning against the plant since its foundation stone was laid in 1994, Babu is not in a mood to celebrate victory. The cost – in terms of human lives – was too high and past experience suggests the shutdown may be temporary.

But she is relieved that, for now at least, there may be a reduction of health risks.

Tuticorin with the copper smelter in the distance
 The Tuticorin copper smelter is shut down but Babu fears this measure may be temporary. Photograph: Thom Pierce/Guardian / Global Witness / UN Environment

In Pandarampatty, a village not far from the plant, residents report 200 people have been diagnosed with cancer since 1996. Babu also says there have been more cases of respiratory diseases. Sterlite – a subsidiary of the Vedanta Resources conglomerate – has previously denied this, saying cancer rates are lower than the average in India and that its facilities have met all environmental guidelines. Sterlite were approached for comment by the Guardian but did not respond.

But when electricity was cut following the shutdown, managers said the plant suffered a severe leak of sulphuric acid with serious environmental consequences.

According to Sterlite’s website, the existing smelter has a capacity of 400,000 tonnes of copper per year. In addition, it has a coal-power plant and facilities to produce 1.2m tonnes per year of sulphuric acid and more than 220,000 metric tonnes of phosphoric acid.

In the wake of the shutdown, much of these chemicals have been shipped away. Babu hopes the closure will also ease the pressure on her.

“I have been through tough times. The company has always singled me out as the enemy. That’s a dangerous position to be in.” She says her opponents have tried to malign her reputation, divide her family and use her Christian religion to turn believers of other faiths against her.

“They brand us anti-social or anti-India, or they claim it’s because I am a Christian. But there are also Hindus and Muslims in this struggle. We are patriotic. We want to save the resources of our country,” she says.

Fatima Babu: ‘The company has always singled me out as the enemy. That’s a dangerous position to be in.’
 Fatima Babu: ‘The company has always singled me out as the enemy. That’s a dangerous position to be in.’ Photograph: Thom Pierce/Guardian / Global Witness / UN Environment

Now 65 years old, she says she is too old to worry about risks to her life, but she is incensed by the smear campaign against her and other environmental campaigners.

“Something in happening in the world. Activists are being branded as terrorists, but we are not against the country. We’re very patriotic. That’s why were are doing this. We don’t want our country sold out for profit,” she says. “This phenomenon of destroying people and the planet for profit is not just happening in India. It’s across the globe. We need to come together for future generations. We need to be strong and courageous and hold on to our values.”


India – National Health Stack: An Architecture Of Doom For Public, Data For Private Profit

The proposed Stack, a digital infrastructure to subsume all medical and healthcare activities in India, seeks to turn the entire health sector into a market (run by private players obviously) — while ensuring those at the edge actually fall off.
National Health Stack

Recently, in a book on how automation wrecked the welfare system of the United States of America, author and academic Virginia Eubanks cites the case of — as she describes during this interview — “Omega Young, who was a 50-year-old African-American mom from Evansville, Indiana. She missed a phone appointment to re-certify for Medicaid because she was in the hospital suffering from terminal ovarian cancer. She did call the office ahead of time, to tell them she could make the time of the telephone appointment. But she was cut off anyway for failure to cooperate in establishing eligibility.She was unable to afford the medications, she had trouble paying rent, she lost access to free transportation to medical appointments. And though her family wouldn’t hold the state responsible for her death, she did succumb to cancer on March 1, 2009. The next day, on March 2, she won an appeal for wrongful termination of benefits and all of her benefits were restored.

A similar though far worse scenario in India — armed with Aadhaar and newfangled FinTech (financial technology) tools being forced into the social sectors and welfare apparatus — is not only not far away, as Newsclickhad pointed out earlier, but the architecture seems a little bit more delineated now that the NITI Aayog has released the consultation draft for the National Health Stack.


To begin with, the Stack will see the creation of a digitised and centralised database of the health records for all citizens of India that can be accessed at any point using the internet (thanks to cloud-based services).

The Stack will store both personal health records and service provider records. In the words of the NITI Aayog, the Stack seeks “to streamline the health information and facilitate effective management of the same.” It will “create a unified health identity of citizens – as they navigate across services across levels of care, i.e. Primary, Secondary and Tertiary and also across Public and Private.”

This can be understood as constructing a linear history of every citizen’s interactions with the healthcare institutions in the country — in other words, recreating a citizen’s medical history.

Indeed, there is merit in digitising health records of the people and ensuring their easy accessibility/availability to both the service providers (for example, any physician you may be visiting anywhere in the country) and the patients themselves. In fact, this streamlining and ease is much needed to improve efficiency, transparency and access. Such wealth of data can be used to further medical research.

But the NHS — not to be confused with the NHS or the National Health Service of the United Kingdom, which is a publicly funded and universal healthcare system, as also the best in the world, especially since the purpose appears to be quite the opposite — is much more than just a digital database.

One look at the fine print reveals that the Stack is designed primarily to cater to and expand the medical market, and not exactly to address the pressing medical needs of the people.

In fact, when the draft mentions that “the scope of the National Health Stack includes (and is not restricted) to the following subjects,” the first point is “Induction of Private Hospitals and Private Practitioners into the Primary and Secondary healthcare ecosystem.”

Significantly, the National Health Stack is designed and developed on the same lines as the Aadhaar-based India Stack — a controversial FinTech system for delivery of services, such as digital payments. But we shall return to it a bit later.

The Stack is envisaged as providing the “digital backbone” for the Modi government’s much-vaunted Ayushman Bharat scheme — which aims to provide health insurance for hospitalisation up to Rs 5 lakh per year per family for more than 10 crore families, besides setting up 1.5 lakh ‘health and wellness centres’ for primary care.

As has already been pointed out before, the Ayushman Bharat scheme is not the answer to India’s healthcare needs — especially the insurance part, named and renamed as the Ayushman Bharat-National Health Protection Mission (AB-NHPM) or the Pradhan Mantri-Rashtriya Swasthya Suraksha Mission (PM-RSSM).

But for now, let us examine its “digital backbone” — what it’s made of, and what are likely to be its functions.

According to the NITI Aayog’s consultation draft on “Strategy and Approach”, the National Health Stack will have four key components:

i) National Health Electronic Registries:“to create a single source of truth for and manage master health data of the nation”, to quote from the draft.

These registries will form “the base layer of the Stack”, but more on that in a bit.

ii)A Coverage and Claims Platform: the digital structure to “support” the AB-NHPS or the PM-RSSM insurance cover scheme, but also to deal with “any government-funded healthcare programs”.

It will also have mechanisms for “robust fraud detection” — which ought to have us worried, going by the past experience with Aadhaar — but more on that in a bit.

iii) A Federated Personal Health Records (PHR) Framework: to manage and facilitate access to this wealth of data in a “federated” manner — which means “multiple entities (e.g., hospital systems, health-technology companies, etc.) will manage health data about users.”

iv) A National Health Analytics Platform/Framework: “to bring a holistic view combining information on multiple health initiatives and feed into smart policy making, for instance, through improved predictive analytics.”

The Stack will also have “horizontal” components —such as a “unique Digital Health ID, Health Data Dictionaries and Supply Chain Management for Drugs, payment gateways etc shared across all health programs.”


The design of the NHS is based on that of the Aadhaar-based India Stack, which provides certain digital financial services, such as payments, in a “presence-less, paperless, and cashless” way.

The National Health Stack “utilizes various components of the India Stack.” As the consultation draft adds:

“Designed to leverage India Stack, subsequent data analysis on NHS will not only allow policy makers to experiment with policies, detect fraud in health insurance, measure outcomes and move towards smart policy making, it will also engage market players (NGOs, researchers, watchdog organizations) to innovate and build relevant services on top of the platform and fill the gaps.”

What will enable the National Health Stack to “engage market players” is the open Application Programme Interfaces or APIs.

Just like India Stack, the NHS will be a set of open APIs.

An API makes it possible to transfer information between programmes, allowing different applications to communicate with each other.

An open API means the software application or web service can be accessed and used by developers.

This means developers and market players will be able to build services using all the data in the electronic health registries — which will form the “base” of the Stack.

This base layer of data “will be utilized by all programs which are built on top of the National Health Stack,” as the draft says.

As this explanatory article on APIs says, “On the Web, APIs make it possible for big services like Google Maps or Facebook to let other apps “piggyback” on their offerings. Think about the way Yelp, for instance, displays nearby restaurants on a Google Map in its app, or the way some video games now let players chat, post high scores and invite friends to play via Facebook, right there in the middle of a game.”

To be sure, this allowance to developers and apps to “piggyback” is not a good thing.

As the article cited above points out, “Twitter, for instance, notoriously limited third-party applications’ use of its APIs just over a year ago—a move that had the practical effect of killing off alternative Twitter clients and driving users to Twitter’s own site and apps, where Twitter can “monetize” them by displaying ads … er, promoted tweets. Twitter insisted the move was necessary to deliver a “unified” Twitter experience.”

As this article in The Caravan — talking about how private companies are using and benefitting from the Aadhaar-based data on India Stack — says, “In effect, India Stack’s APIs are building blocks in the software architecture required by many third-party entities, whether public or private, to use Aadhaar.”

In the National Health Stack too, it is all about the APIs.

For example, consider the stated approach to ‘security’ of the Personal Health Records (PHR).

The Personal Health Records refer to an “integrated view of all data related to an individual across various health providers, comprising of medical history, medication and allergies, immunization status, laboratory test results, radiology images, vital signs, personal stats such as age and weight, demographics and billing information, and multiple health apps.”

Because this data is “sensitive”, says the draft, the PHR would be “maintained in a secure and private environment, with the individual determining rights of access.”

But individuals can exercise the “rights of access” only through entities to be known as Health Data Fiduciaries (Trustees), and the process shall again be driven by open APIs.

These Fiduciaries shall “facilitate consent-driven interaction” between the entities generating the health data and the entities that want to “consume the health records for delivering better services to the individual.”

“User will be able to share their data via Health Data Fiduciaries (that will generate and manage consent) with data requestors,” says the draft.

These “data requesters” can be any private entity from insurance firms to medical technology companies.

The draft does not give more information on who or what kind of entities these Health Data Fiduciaries shall be.

But the sharing of the health data “will be achieved using standardized and open APIs through which these entities will be able to communicate with each other and with stakeholder systems.”

The draft says that “such an approach to managing and sharing data has many advantages from a scalability and flexibility perspective” —but it does not raise any concern regarding the privacy and the potential uses of this treasure-trove of health data by private entities that are not concerned about people’s health but only looking for profits.

Also, as noted by this article in Scrollon the issues surrounding NHS data, the consultation draft says that “all service provider electronic health records and stand-alone personal health records – including wearables, health devices and health apps – should have APIs compatible to the National Health Stack personal health records.”

Indeed, “having industry participation seems to be crucial to the Niti Aayog’s vision of the health stack,” as the Scrollpiece goes on.

The article talks about how at “a conference in Bengaluru in June, Alok Kumar, advisor to the Niti Aayog, made a presentation about a standardised digital health system saying that they will be owned and operated by the government but will have open data that can be accessed by people who want to build on the data using open API software.”

Although the conference was organised by the Public Health Foundation of India, says Scroll,but most of the panelists and audience members were from medical technology companies – medical devices makers, telemedicine service providers, professional care service providers, and digital healthcare systems providers.”


Now, we all know how extremely sensitive health data is. If a person’s health records and medical history is made public, it can lead to discrimination as well as have other adverse social and economic impacts. For example, insurers might deny you claims/benefits and/or increase the premiums, or employers may discriminate against you. Also, public knowledge of medical conditions like being HIV positive can bring upon social stigma, ostracization, and cause mental and emotional trauma.

And linking of personal health data with the Aadhaar data, and letting developers and marketers use that data to “build services” can only spell doom.

There have been reports of HIV positive people dropping out of antiretroviral therapy under a NACO programme after they were asked to submit their Aadhaar details fearing social stigma.

There are enough reports of how Aadhaar has already become a barrier to accessing medical services, like the cases of women forced to deliver babies outside the hospital because they were denied admission for lack of Aadhaar. Last year, Aadhaar was made mandatory for cash benefits under the TB control programme, and there were reports of how patients were still waiting for compensation.

Already, there are enough reports of how Aadhaar has been wrecking welfare, as the poor are deniedfood and pensions due to the myriad problems associated with Aadhaar-Based Biometric Authentication (made mandatory at the time of delivery of the welfare scheme) such as fingerprints not matching, machines not working, etc. or for not having Aadhaar altogether.

Then there is the fact that a public healthcare infrastructure must provide care to not only documented citizens, but to all those who need it — such as refugees, migrants, etc. These sections, who are sometimes among the most vulnerable and neediest, will be pushed out of the system in such a scenario.

But among the most worrying stated purposes of the NHS is to “detect fraud in health insurance”.


If you’ve been following the news over the past couple of years, you would have surely heard of the PM or others from the BJP-led NDA regime talking about “ghost” beneficiaries of India’s welfare schemes.

As the Modi government made Aadhaar mandatory for all kinds of schemes and services for the poor, there was talk of how technology and Aadhaar had weeded out lakhs and lakhs of “ghost” or fake beneficiaries, thereby saving huge amounts of money for the government exchequer.

These claims have been proven false again and again, and it was even found that the Aadhaar-issuing Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) had been fudging numbers, apparently even before the Supreme Court. Meanwhile, people have been starving to death in the country as people have been denied ration and pension due to the Aadhaar-related problems.

And now that the government is putting forward insurance schemes under Ayushman Bharat as the answer to the health needs of 10 crore of our poorest people — which, to reiterate,is not only not the answer but is attempting the wrong question itself — this digital ability to “detect fraud in health insurance” is a terrifying omen.

The digital ‘Coverage and Claims Platform’ to deal with the insurance schemes and other government-funded programmes is a digital platform with three sub-components —a policy engine, a claims engine, and a fraud management service.

“The coverage and claims platform provides the building blocks required to implement any large-scale health insurance program, in particular, any government-funded healthcare programs,” says the NITI Aayog draft.

“This platform has the transformative vision of enabling both public and private actors to implement insurance schemes in an automated, data-driven manner through open APIs.”

Please pay attention to the adjectives — “automated, data-driven” —used to describe how the insurance coverage and claims platform will work.

This brings us back to the devastating denials of welfare benefits to the poor described by Virginia Eubanks in “Automating Inequality: How High-Tech Tools Profile, Police, and Punish the Poor.” The book talks about how automated systems — including predictive statistical tools and algorithmic decision-making — for gauging eligibility for welfare programmes has destroyed lives and intensified inequality in the US.

One can only imagine what will happen in India once the millions of poorest. Most vulnerable sections of people — who would have been left to insurance schemes instead of being provided with a robust and affordable public health and medical infrastructure — would need to go through “automated, data-driven” digital platforms to claim the insurance cover while being subjected to “robust fraud detection”.

It must be noted that the NITI Aayog thinks it mandatory to insert fraud detection mechanisms in only that part of the NHS that deals with insurance and “any government-funded healthcare programs” — but not in the rest of its architecture that allows and even encourages all and sundry market players to use people’s personal health data and “build services”, even though the threat of misuse and fraudulence by the profiteering private fims is disproportionately higher than poor people making claims.

Indeed, as NITI Aayog says, the “innovativeness” of the proposed NHS design is that it is “a strong digital spine built with a deep understanding of the incentive structures of the system.” The government surely understands the “incentive structures of the system”.

And NITI Aayog member (health) Vinod K Paul seems to know what he’s talking about when he describes — in the beginning of the consultation paper — the health sector as “a sector that is poised for rapid, disruptive changes and unforeseen twists.


India- Cow vigilantes strike in Alwar again, kill youth #WTFnews

46 Lynched In Country Since April 2017


The chilling run of lynch mobs continues.

A 31-year-old Muslim man from Haryana’s Mewat district became its latest victim, in Rajasthan’s Alwar, late on Friday. Rakbar Khan, who was allegedly attacked by a group of 8-10 cow vigilantes, succumbed to his injuries in hospital a few hours later. In his dying statement, Rakbar told police that he and his friend Aslam were walking back with two cows they had bought when they came under attack in Ramgarh, with the mob accusing them of being smugglers taking the cattle for slaughter.

Last April, Mewat dairy farmer Pehlu Khan (55) had been killed the same way, in Alwar. Two of Rakbar’s alleged attackers—Dharmendra Yadav and Parmjeet Singh— were arrested on Saturday.

Rajasthan CM Vasundhara Raje tweeted, “The incident of alleged lynching of a person transporting bovines in Alwar is condemnable. Strictest possible action shall be taken against the perpetrators.”

Lynching cases will increase as Modi’s popularity soars, says Union minister

Union minister Arjun Ram Meghwal on Saturday linked the lynching in Alwar to the “rising popularity” of PM Modi. “The more Modiji becomes popular, such incidents will keep occurring in the country,” he said, adding, “For instance, there was the row over returning state awards before Bihar elections and mob lynching before the UP assembly elections.”

‘We walked with cows as they wouldn’t climb into truck’

The attack on Rakbar Khan comes just two days after the horror inflicted by lynch mobs resonated in the SC, which said horrendous acts of mobocracy could not be allowed to become the norm and directed that a law be drafted to rein in this terror. And just hours before the attack on him, the lynching issue had figured prominently in the Parliament showdown between the opposition and the government during the no-confidence motion.

Between the lynching of Pehlu and Rakbar, India has seen 44 such killings. While Jharkhand (13) has witnessed the maximum lynchings, it is followed by Maharashtra (8), Tripura (5), Tamil Nadu (5), Rajasthan (3), Telangana (3), Uttar Pradesh

(3), Karnataka (2), Assam (2), Gujarat (1) and Chhattisgarh (1). The bulk of the recent attacks has been triggered by viral rumours of child-lifters. In Rajasthan, all three lynching cases have been reported from Alwar.

Rakbar, also known as Akbar, lived with his family, which includes seven children, in Kol village of Ferozpur Jhirka in Mewat. His family said Rakbar was a dairy farmer. He owned three cows and wanted to buy two more to expand his business, which is why he had gone to Alwar.

Rajasthan police, however, said Rakbar had been booked in a cattle smuggling case at Naugaon in 2014. ASP Anil Kumar Beniwal said Rakbar had been booked under sections 5 and 8 of the Rajasthan Bovine Animal (Prohibition of Slaughter and Regulation of Temporary Migration or Export) Act, 1995.

Rakbar and Aslam had bought the cows in Khanpur and were on their way home when they came under attack in Lalawandi village a little after Friday midnight. Rakbar was battered with sticks, and sustained fractures and several injuries. Aslam, who managed to escape and return to Kol, was still in shock on Saturday morning. “We bought two cows from Khanpur. We tried to load the animals into a pick-up truck but they wouldn’t climb in. So, we decided to walk back home despite the rain,” he told TOI.

The vigilantes had taken cover in the cotton fields they were passing through. “We heard a gunshot. I hid but they spotted Rakbar with the cows and started to chase him. Two men carried guns while others had sticks. They didn’t shout or threaten, just kept running after him. I didn’t see Rakbar after that,” Aslam said.

Alwar police was tipped off at 12.41am by Naval Kishore Sharma, who is believed to have ties with several rightwing groups and has been in the past involved in operations against cow smugglers.


#SundayReading – It’s sexual assault, remember? #Vaw

Total recoil: Laura Dern (with Isabel Nelisse) plays the 48-year-old Jennifer Fox, who’s forced to re-examine the wreckage of her past kyle kaplan/ courtesy of sundance institute   –  KYLE KAPLAN/ COURTESY OF SUNDANCE INSTITUTE

The Tale searingly drives home the point that in any sexual assault case, the victim’s memory is their biggest obstacle — unreliable, repressed, and always on revision mode

Back in May, one of the country’s top news channels decided to jettison every pretence of ethics by airing CCTV footage connected to the sexual assault case brought against former Tehelka editor Tarun Tejpal by a colleague. The case is sub-judice, and yet the controversial footage was aired publicly for the first time, that too at prime time. The existence of such a recording had long been discussed in private.

According to Tejpal and his lawyers, the complainant’s statement — in which she accused him of raping her inside a lift of a five-star hotel in Goa — was fallacious because it didn’t seem to “match” the version of events captured in the footage.

Their argument hinged on a cruel technicality: The accused didn’t correctly remember the assault.

It’s impossible to ignore how frequently an assault victim’s own memory is used against him/her. It’s exploited to belittle not just their own testimony but also the imprint of the crime on the psyche, normalising the assumption that a victim’s memory should be a fail-safe alibi. Especially when an assault victim’s memory is the biggest obstacle — unreliable, repressed, and always on revision mode.

Jennifer Fox’s autobiographical The Tale — which can be streamed on Hotstar — goads introspection on this very aftermath of abuse. Headlined by an electric Laura Dern essaying the 48-year-old Fox, who’s forced to re-examine the wreckage of her past, the film is a searing portrait of sexual abuse and the excavation of memory.

Based on the director’s personal experiences, The Tale starts with a voiceover by Dern (as Fox) saying, “The story you are about to hear is true — as far as I know.” What seems initially like a harmless sentence is given a context-laden makeover of sinister proportions by the end of the film.

After returning from a work trip to India, Fox, a documentary filmmaker and professor, comes home to a barrage of frantic voicemails from her mother. While going through some documents at home, her mother had chanced upon a short story that Fox had written when she was barely 13, as part of a school assignment. Titled ‘The Tale’, the story highlighted a sexual encounter between a teenage Fox and a 40-something running coach named Bill when she spent a summer on a ranch with her riding instructor, Mrs G, who was Bill’s lover. In her story, Fox describes the encounter as a “beautiful experience”.

Her mother insists that Bill had raped the teen under the enabling eyes of Mrs G. This perplexed Fox, as she had always counted the incident as her first relationship, which happened to be with an older man, and not an abuse of power. Except, as we find out, that was hardly the case. Fox finds herself forced to delve deep and investigate the dark recesses of her memory.

Did she really enter into a consensual relationship with an older man or was it just a story she had designed to protect herself from the trauma?

With a heartbreaking sequence that is nothing short of a cinematic coup, the film paints a portrait of how unreliable an assault victim’s memory is. In her head, the 13-year-old Fox was a slender teen on the cusp of adulthood and the flashback scene fittingly shows her as an almost-grown woman. But a little later, she finds an old picture of herself and realises that the image in her head was from when she was 15. In reality, the 13-year-old Fox was a shy pre-pubescent child. Instantly, in the flashback, we see her shrinking and becoming a younger, and tinier, version of herself.

It’s a scene that evokes unbridled horror because it makes us acutely aware of the fact that Fox was just a child when she lost her virginity. We understand that there was no way she could have given consent to the sexual encounter and recognise that she was raped.

It’s telling how the audience is apprised of the abuse before the film’s lead is able to solve the puzzle, for, unlike us, she is in a constant battle with her repressed memories. Memories that have constantly unsettled her and, yet, not torn her apart because she had subconsciously locked them in her mind’s storage room with no key.

By emphasising how little Fox could trust her memory, The Tale forces us to discern that when someone is assaulted, so is their mind — blocking their own memories becomes not only their language, but also their instant cure. It reminds us that trauma and shock can last for years, nibbling away at one’s capability of accurate recollection.

But, most important, it makes us realise that confronting their own memory is a privilege not all victims can afford.

Poulomi Das is a film and pop-culture writer based in Mumbai